Sunday, June 9, 2013

How to Co-opt Unity

Dear Protestors for Gezi Park:

Yesterday, your government announced plans to hold "unity and solidarity" rallies in your capital for the ruling party. I therefore propose what might seem a radical idea:

Invite the AKP-supporters to join you and share their voice.

After all, what is your own rally about? It is about the right of all Turks to be heard by their government.

Do not be seduced by this divisive effort. Co-opt it instead: çapul it, if you will. This is old style politics at play. You have proven yourself better than this. Mr. Erdoğan is, in simplest terms, trying to make your uprising an Us vs. Them situation, placing you in direction opposition to "them."

However, I strongly believe that even under the passion that fuels the present political climate, people are fundamentally reasonable when confronted with reason. And what's more, you have generations of people familiar with Ataturk's message that reason must lead people's decisions, and not tribalism.

I therefore propose you extend the invitation for all AKP-supporters who value reason to join you in Taksim and elsewhere, to stand against division. Add their voice to your own, and then you will truly speak for all.

To explain:

You Turks can be a hotheaded bunch, especially your elders. For whatever reason, the dominant management policy is "my way or the highway." When you have an idea in your head, anyone who stands in your way is a problem to be excised.

This attitude is reflected in Mr. Erdoğan's approach. But you won't fall for it. Not this time.

This attitude was very unsettling to me, as a foreigner, when I first arrived in Turkey. As a Canadian, I'm used to being paid at least the lip service of consultation when decisions are made or implemented. Here in Turkey, decisions get made and everyone needs to get on board. The "or else" is left implied.

We have such a situation in the country right now, and this time the people have had enough. Something has shifted. The hotheadedness seems to have been replaced by something cooler. But there are still those amongst your ranks who will jump at the chance to turn up the heat and become blinded by anger and ideology.

This bullheaded approach to management is represented everywhere in this country. It's in everything, from the way you drive (whoever is in front wins) to way you form queues (you don't). But in my three years here, I've seen airlines put up guide rails for queues, and drivers tend to stay more in their lane. Even the emergency lanes are relatively clear of traffic, compared to three years ago!

The most encouraging thing about your protest is that bullheaded, ideologically fierce groups are sitting together and having a genuine dialogue about how it might be possible to achieve everyone's aims. You are supporting each others' messages. Cooler heads have prevailed.

My proposal is only that this continues, all the way.

My experience here in the past three years is that management believes that only one person's aims -- namely Mr. Erdoğan's -- are achievable at a time. Whoever is in charge brooks no opposition, encourages no plurality of objectives achieved in balance.

Now is the time that you will be pitted against one another by outside forces. Mr. Erdoğan is rallying his supporters, and no doubt the event will be full of violent rhetoric. Do not rise to this challenge.

I offer you the most important lesson I have learned in my life:

Power only has power because you say it does.

When a teenage rebellion arises it is with the realization that our parents can say "no" to us, but they can only try to stop us. When we decide, ourselves, what we are going to do, we can do it. The only barrier than exists is ourselves. If we give the power of the word "no" to someone else, then we are the one that gave them that authority.

Your Gezi Park protest shows this understanding, that the power is yours, that Erdoğan's power is only borrowed from you.

The difficulty is that in exposing this, you have angered him and his supporters. No one likes to be made a fool, no one likes to disillusioned. Power is its own kind of religion, founded on an illusion.

Thus, to you Gezi Park çapuller, I say this: be kind in your response, but do not be smug. Do not rise to the ire of those wrestling with their illusions. Allow multiple objectives at once. Allow all the objectives at once.

Tayyip will not istifa. The more you fight him, the tighter he will hold on. It is therefore upon you to be the bigger man. You must guide him, coax him in the right direction. You must be obstinate before his efforts to place you into conflict with your countrymen and women.

Your protest must become a call for unity and solidarity for all Turks, not the Us vs Them form of "unity and solidarity" that Mr. Erdoğan seeks.

You, strange though it is, should be champions of the voice of your opponent. You must show him what true unity, true solidarity looks like.

You should invite AKP supporters to stand beside you peacefully in Taksim square and elsewhere around the country, and in one voice ask to be heard together. Ask your AKP supporting countrymen and women to stand with you and ask how Mr. Erdoğan plans to keep you united. How he intends to hear you all, all at once.

You should be peaceful champions for their voice, as well as your own.

At the very least, the invitation would mess with his head.


Friday, June 7, 2013

The Revision of the News

I post here in their entirety two news articles.

Both were found, just two hours apart, at this same URL: http://www.hurriyetdailynews.com/gezi-park-is-not-suitable-for-shopping-mall-turkish-pm-erdogan-says-.aspx?pageID=238&nID=48418&NewsCatID=338

I encourage you read both articles and consider that the medium is the message. So sayeth McLuhan, so say we all.

Article 1:

Gezi Park is not suitable for shopping mall, Turkish PM Erdoğan says

Turkish Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdoğan said today that the Artillery Barracks, which is planned to be built on the site of Taksim Gezi Park, is not suited to having a shopping mall inside, speaking at a conference titled ‘’Rethinking Global Challenges: Constructing a Common Future for Turkey and the EU.’’

“Let’s plant trees there that will make a difference to Gezi Park. Once they stuck on the AVM [shopping mall]. It is already not possible to build an AVM there due to the number of square meters of the area,” he added.

Turkish PM says against violence, open to 'democratic demands'

Erdoğan also said his government opposed violence and was open to "democratic demands" raised by demonstrators whose mass protests have rocked the country.

"What we are against is terrorism, violence, vandalism and actions that threaten others for the sake of freedoms," Erdogan said in a televised conference in Istanbul. "I'm open-hearted to anyone with democratic demands."

June/07/2013



Article 2:

Turkish PM shelves mall plan on Gezi Park, wants end to protests

ISTANBUL

The prime minister once again assures Taksim protesters that no mall will be built on Gezi Park. However, he signaled no step back from the construction of a historical barracks on the site

Turkish Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdoğan dismissed plans to build a shopping mall at the controversial Gezi Park while calling for an end to more than 10-day protests during his speech at the Ministry of European Affairs Istanbul conference on June 7.

Erdoğan repeated willingness to discuss “democratic rights,” saying, “The shopping mall is not possible in the Artillery Barracks anyway, given the measures. We told them that we may build a city museum instead, and a green area that would be far better than the current park. We also wanted to turn the Atatürk Culture Center to an opera building.”

The prime minister, who bids to rebuild the historic barracks there, called for an end to ongoing Gezi Park protests on his return from a four-day trip to North Africa in the early hours of June 7. “These protests must end immediately,” Erdoğan said today in front of thousands of Justice and Development Party (AKP) supporters who greeted him at Istanbul’s Atatürk airport. “No power but Allah can stop Turkey’s rise,” he said.

Thousands flocked to the airport to greet Erdoğan in a show of solidarity with the country’s most influential politician over the Gezi Park protests that have shaken Turkey.

“The police are doing their duty. These protests, which have turned into vandalism and utter lawlessness must end immediately,” Erdoğan told the crowd.

“May Allah preserve our fraternity and unity. We will have nothing to do with fighting and vandalism...The secret to our success is not tension and polarization.” “God is Great,” his supporters chanted, and soon moved on to slogans referring specifically to the protesters in Taksim Square. “Let us go, let us crush them,” they shouted. “Istanbul is here, where are the looters?”

Speaking at the June 7 conference with a large group of foreign guests, Erdoğan said the events that had unfolded “with the excuse of Gezi” had been subjected to “horrible disinformation.”

“Social media has bred terrible campaigns of lies,” Erdoğan said. “I know every one of [the sources]. You have to know who to address in these situations, and this one has no one for me.”

“It makes you wonder what the function of their parliamentary counterparts is,” Erdoğan added. He further accused “a certain part of those at the Gezi protests” of wanting to hamper the ongoing peace process, adding that the European Union was also at fault in supporting such demonstrations.

“On one side you say you support the peace process, then you go ahead and support these people who wish to intervene with the process,” Erdoğan said.

The prime minister also targeted the foreign media during his speech, accusing the foreign outlets of “serving stories to placed orders with ideological approaches,” with his critique especially focusing on the recent full-page ad placed by Gezi supporters on the pages of The New York Times.

June/07/2013

***

This is a fascinating example of the new internet bound medium of "the news." The great "unfixed record" that is the internet, prone to manipulation and alteration, whatever the interest or bias.

While I should trust that Hurriyet Daily News has merely modified the article to better reflect the truth of Erdoğan's words delivered at the conference, one cannot help but notice a distinct shift in tone and tenor. The artistically wrought satiric contrast between the headline and the content, masterfully re-rendered. Certainly the information is distinctly different.

Whether the revised "publication" is more "accurate" or not, I have no idea. But it does introduce the question quite nicely -- is the news social media?

On this measure at least, I have to wonder if Erdoğan's mistrust of social media is not at least in part justified. Rumours are flying around Facebook of a shift in location of police violence, away from Taksim and redirected against protestors in smaller villages that are being ignored by both domestic and foreign media.

Curiously, these communiques are devoid of video or pictorial evidence. I have no measure of trust they are true, despite the fact they seem eminently plausible.

The internet is indeed a foul and malicious place, full of rumour and innuendo, all in support of our own preconceived notions and biases.

Yet I can't be everywhere at once. I can't see it all with my owns. How can I trust the media? Any media?

How am I to know what is true?

In an environment as ideologically charged as this, it's no wonder Erdoğan himself and his supporters distrust the media, social or otherwise.

It would behoove whatever domestic media in Turkey is covering the situation to leave themselves above question.

Thursday, June 6, 2013

...And Istanbul Waits

The penguin has become a sort of symbol of the uprising. The backstory is relatively short, but the implications long.

As the uprising this weekend was aired on CNN International for the world to see, CNN Turkey showed a documentary on penguins.

Yes, penguins.

The media has self-censored and all but eliminated coverage of the uprising domestically. One channel, Halk Haber TV, continues to cover the protests live but on the other channels, including major international networks, coverage is limited to short roundtables of talking heads at best.

This culture of media self-censorship is not new here. Turkey boasts one of the worlds top ratings of internet censorship, as well as a collection of journalists who have been jailed, without trial, under charges of terrorism.

So, the media is perhaps a little wary for good cause.

Strangely, in a message from the Canadian Consulate in Ankara advising us Canadians in Turkey to be conscious of our surrounding whilst in Turkey, we have been advised to "remain vigilant at all times, avoid all demonstrations and large gatherings, follow the advice of local authorities and monitor local media."

Oh, the irony.

Hence the Penguin.

Tonight, Turkey waits for their Prime Minister to speak. He has been in northern Africa on a diplomatic tour, and has received an honorary doctorate no less for his "humanitarian" efforts. Ankara in general has worked to calm the situation, yet Erdogan remains ever flippant and stubbornly insists the plans for Gezi Park will go ahead, and continues to believe that the people of his country are being goaded into action not by him, but by extremists.

In fact, by the very extremists responsible for a terrorist bombing in Ankara earlier this year.

Tonight, the pots and pans in Goztepe rang more loudly than last night. All of Turkey waits to hear if Erdogan will work to smother the flames or fan them.

The smart money is on the latter.

Tuesday, June 4, 2013

The (Up)Rising Middle Class: Scenes from Bağdat Caddesi

Despite what you may be seeing in the international media, which makes the protests in Turkey looks like a ground war, the reality is that the ground is only a small part of the greater uprising.

There is much more going on above street level.

Istanbul is a city of low-rise apartment buildings, and in the suburbs of the city windows are hung with Turkish flags, and each night faces emerge to whistle and make noise.

The majority of the action takes place in the build up to 9:00 pm.


Each night, as 9:00 pm approaches, people open their windows and go out onto their balconies, banging pots and pans and whistling. Cars take to the streets with the Turkish flag streaming from the windows, horns blaring.


Night after night, at least half of the city makes its voice heard.

Yet to all appearances, this aspect of the protest is largely unknown outside the country itself.

The evening Call to Action leads to people gathering together in whatever area their neighbourhood centres on. In my case, Bağdat Caddesi, which runs from Kadıköy (the main downtown area and centre of protest on the Asian side of İstanbul) to Bostancı.


Erdoğan may wish to vilify the protestors in Taksim and Beşiktaş, and of course they have taken actions but this wider suburban uprising is the one that he should not ignore. This is the voice of the people. The clashes with police are clashes with some of the people, and some who are, of course, just in it for the fight itself.

This suburban voice is perhaps the most remarkable of the situation. The usual crowd of disenfranchised protestor is of course in the mix, and loudly, but it is the rise of the rapidly expanding affluent middle class that is perhaps most striking. In many respect, this greatest force behind the expansion of the middle class in Turkey is Erdoan's economics, taking the country from a fairly low and stagnant GDP to a consistent and rapid rise.

This class in any country is typically silent in any demonstration, complacent as they are to reap whatever rewards come their way. Things never look so bad when you're sitting on a comfy couch. Yet they, too, are feeling a disturbance in the rhetoric of Erdoğan, and are speaking up.

When the middle classes begins to rise, something serious is happening.

The questions remains as to how long the Turkish people will keep their voices raised. The President, Abdullah Gül, whose office is charged with defending the Republic, and the Deputy Prime Minister Bülent Arınç have apologized to the original Gezi Park Protestors, and the police have held back in their aggressive stance toward the protestors in the past two days.

And, Erdoğan is away on a political tour in Africa, his rage-inducing commentary relatively absent for now.

The question also remains as to how long the Turkish people will keep their voice unified. In all likelihood, the protest will now begin to turn inward as it seeks a unifying message to keep the various agendas at play together. All of the parties want the chance to be heard, and if they rally around that message, whatever it is.

I for one, as a lowly observer with no personal political stake in the situation, think that the right to be heard is central to everyone's complaint. The government will likely seek to divide the protest by focussing on each groups surface issue. But perhaps more likely, they will simply ignore the problem and let the groups refocus onto their own surface issues themselves.

We'll see.

There is no Turkish Spring. Gezi Park is the Name.

Many names are being spun to capture the essential nature of the dissent being expressed in Turkey, and to try to link this movement to a broader, Islam-wide cultural context. It is important that everyone know that this movement is most certainly not part of the “Arab Spring,” is not part of the “Occupy” economic movement, and is about a great deal more than just the imaginary boogeyman of (quote-unquote) “Islam.” 

This is not, I repeat NOT, the Turkish Spring.

On that score at least, though on little else, Tayyip Erdoğan is right.

Though intertwined with the history of most of the nations undergoing the Arab Spring, Turkey’s history is separate and unique. So is its current situation. The issues concerning Turkey are not those concerning the nations addressed under the Spring moniker. The Spring is a fight for liberation from entrenched, corrupt dictators, and a fight for self-governance, whatever form that takes, democratic or otherwise.

Turkey already has democracy, and has had it for a long time. Tayyip Erdoğan is a democratically elected leader, and even if the allegations of election rigging are true, he is nonetheless a popular leader with a wide base of support and a glowing track record in many respects. In fact, many of those protesting would have a hard time claiming Erdogan has been all bad.

In Turkey, democracy was brought to the country by Mustafa Kemal -- named Atatürk, Father of the Türks -- in the 1920’s following a war of independence from foreign control. Turkey’s war of independence at that time has more in common with the Arab Spring than the current situation does, but even then that would be a stretched comparison – Mustafa Kemal lead the Turkish people against the foreign occupier and liberated his people from foreign control imposed in the wake of a decadent, defunct, and crippled local government.

After liberating his people, he brought them secularism and democracy. One historical criticism of this choice might be that the people themselves did not rise up in favour of democracy specifically, and the result has been nearly a century of fluctuations between democratically elected leaders with a tendency toward despotism as their term goes on, and military coups that emerge when those leaders become too despotic and threaten to steer the country too far away from Ataturk’s original ideals.

The history of Turkish democracy has thus been fraught growing pains, similar in many respects to those growing pains experienced in French and American democracy, with tensions between the old way and the new, and inherent problems that persist from that history up to today. When things threaten to go awry, the military steps in and the test of Turkish democracy begins again.

Leaders in Turkey have been characterized, between coups, as tending to err toward authoritarian rule as their term lengthens, increasingly representing their own beliefs ahead of those they govern. Words like “Sultan” appear more and more as leaders serve, their style of leadership hearkening back to the old days, the days before democracy was an ideal to be upheld, and before secularism was the rule.

Yet we must think more globally on this matter. This is not some character attribute unique to rulers from any one particular geography, religion, or creed. This tendency toward autocratic, authoritarian, and even despotic rule is all too common a story in democratic nations anywhere. It is the reason why many democracies have maximum Presidential terms. In Canada, it underlies the reason why the Liberals under Chretien eventually had to fall, and why for years the Liberal party has been in decline. In the United States, it’s the spectre of the George W Bush years, where authoritarian, despotic rule was given freely in the wake of horrific attacks, and then all but impossible to return from.

Hubris is far too common a story in democracies the world over. Hubris is difficult to recover from.

Mr. Erdoğan is just such a leader. His early successes, largely economic, made him very popular. Ideals which under other lights would seem progressive and even enlightened are instead tainted by the spectre of history and Islam. Erdoğan has changed Turkey’s strict laws regarding the wearing of headscarves, for example. In his own terms, he is giving women the choice to cover themselves, granting them a right. The fear, however, is that he is steering the nation further backwards, becoming ever more the Islamic Sultan in the Caliphate of Turkey.

Even the recent law regarding the sale and depiction of alcohol is relatively tame compared to laws in other nations, like Canada where the sale of alcohol is, in most provinces, restricted to daylight hours and it is illegal to consume alcohol in public. Until recently, in Canada it was legal to show a glass of beer on TV but illegal to actually depict a person drinking it. In Erdoğan’s terms, the law for Turkey is sensible, and respects the general safety of the people of Turkey. And as far as that goes, he’s not all wrong.

The problem is that he pushed the law forward without so much as a few hours of debate and implemented it virtually that day. The problem is that he has been doing so increasingly in the past few years, with dubious intent. It demands questions about the nature of democracy and the consultative process. It raises, again, that question of the aspiring despot, the all-powerful Sultan. It suggests a leader who may need to be deposed. Where is the next coup going to come from?

The current movement in Turkey represents a pent up dissatisfaction with this cycle between despots and coups, and Tayyip Erdoğan is its cause in a deeper way than it might first appear. Though a powerful force of improvement for Turkey, he has in many minds gone too far, sacrificing the existing culture in favour of the economy, and in favour of his more ideal culture that is somewhat more religious and conservative. And, perhaps most importantly, valuing only those who believe as he believes, disregarding (and even jailing) those who do not.

The nature of the injustice perceived by the Türks in Turkey is of a vastly different and entirely unique character to other movements going on in the Islamic world. This is not simply an Islamic issue – it is a Turkish issue. Mr. Erdoğan has done great things for this country, and began his Ministerial career with excellent intentions, and has had excellent results. He has fallen afoul of those original intentions and successes, and his own success has become his worst enemy. He now seems to believe he is entitled to success and does not have to earn it.

But perhaps more importantly, the uprising in Turkey has become possible due to another importantly hot topic of Erdoğan’s administration. Over the course of the past three years, Mr. Erdoğan has arrested and detained a collection of military personnel who are accused of having planned another coup. Ostensibly, this is to preserve the integrity of democracy. Arguably, it is evidence of a leader removing obstacles to become a dictator.

The evidence is reportedly specious at best that these generals and admirals had any such plan, but given the history of the nation it would not be far-fetched to assume that someone, somewhere in some part of the military did have some sort of standing order regarding the taking back of power if the Prime Minister was leading the country down the wrong path. It would only be sensible, and the E-Memorandum of 2007 would suggest at the least that the idea existed.

Regardless of the truth of these accusations, the Turkish military has been brought under civilian control, and for the first time in the modern Turkish Republic’s history, it does not have a systemic safeguard against corruption of Ataturk’s ideals. The military is essentially headless, unable to fulfill its “stabilizing” role in Turkish democracy. The people do not have a force to rely on to protect their freedoms and rights….

Except that this past week’s uprising proves that, in fact, it does – the people themselves have at last risen to speak for themselves.

In his paranoid pursuit of power, Mr. Erdoğan has unwittingly unleashed the full force of democracy – representation of the people, by the people, for the people.

It is conceivable that by now, as little as five years ago, the military might have intervened and staged another coup. Mr. Erdoğan has, it turns out, created a situation which has empowered his people to speak for themselves – even dared them to speak for themselves – and the result is that they have spoken up loudly and clearly.

The military right now cannot speak up on their behalf. But perhaps it shouldn't.

The people have risen against hubris, and divisive majoritarian rule.

The fact that Mr. Erdoğan is incensed that his people have a voice is thus deeply ironic. In his efforts to secure power, he opened the door for democracy's greatest force. People expect to be governed fairly, and without a military intervention, the responsibility for maintaining democracy starts and ends with its people, each and every day.

The Turkish People have risen to demonstrate that the power of democracy lies with its people – all of its people, not just those who agree with its Prime Minister, and not only at election times. They have risen to show that a Prime Minister of this nation is responsible for, and accountable to, ALL of its citizens ALL of the time.

In all, the end goal of this protest has nothing in common with The Spring. This is a nation wrestling to come to grips with functional democracy, figuring out how to include and accommodate the voice of dissent in decision and policy making. This voice has been largely ignored throughout the history of the Republic, and when it would get too loud the military would speak up in its place – rather like an overshadowing parent finishing a nervous child’s sentence.

The goal, it turns out, is the act of protest itself. It is a protest for the right to be heard during the process, not only before it or after it. It is a course correction of Turkey’s endogenous democracy by an electorate than has grown up in the sudden absence of an overprotective parent.

So, let’s dispense with the Arab Spring associations. Let’s drop the “Occupy” prefix and stop trying to make this a world economic issue. The Economist has coined the term “Tree Revolution,” but even this is woefully inaccurate – this is not the tearing down of one system in favour of another.

Let’s do away with these notions of Revolution, and understand that we are witnessing an Evolution.

The chant has become “Tayyip Istifa!” (Tayyip, resign!) but perhaps this is wrong. This is not about another coup, whether from a military or from a popular uprising. If this is to be an evolution, perhaps the chant should be “Tayyip, bizi dinle!”  (Tayyip, listen to us!)

The trigger for these events was the destruction of Gezi Park, and the Gezi Park Protests is as good a name as any. It’s Turkish. It’s right. It’s a unifying symbol of the uprising against a leader become too sure of himself. The full complexity of the situation will be years in coming to light, and the Turkish people will have to continue to speak up from now until the next election and until the next.

Let’s not do the Turks a disservice by lumping them into some box we feel comfortable with. Gezi Park is the name. Tayyip, bizi dinle.


(Posted as inoculation against the active mythologizing tendencies of the modern press.)